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Modern Scotland's 'archaic relationships'...

      Yesterday the Sovereign Fund came into being. Part of George Osborne’s Spending Review last autumn, it changes the way we pay for the monarchy, with the Civil List being exchanged for a 15% share of the revenue of the Crown Estate.
 
     We have watched with interest the attempts by the First Minister to ensure that the increasing revenues accruing to the Crown Estate from offshore wind development around the Scottish coast and in Scotland’s coastal waters come to Scotland rather than straight into the Treasury coffers without passing Go. It has been another round of ammunition in the FM’s on-going skirmishes with Westminster. Most political commentators take Salmond’s side on this one, although the Commissioners and the Treasury appear to be paying scant heed.
 
     For background to this,  we commend For Argyll’s masterly October 2010 article on the Crown Estate’s position in Scotland, and their comments here following the  Spending Review.
 
     This is prompted Ian Bell’s excellent article in today’s Herald highlighting the dilemma the Sovereign Fund now poses for the First Minister, who wants the money, but has all along said that an independent Scotland would still wish  the Queen and her successors to remain as  head of state. Yet he has within his party many who are staunch republicans...
 
There are two connected issues. One is a matter of broad principle: why should the monarchy be granted privileged access to the profits from British national assets? Another issue involves a Scottish question. Having identified the Crown Estate as an institution falling within the logic of devolution, how many Scottish assets will the First Minister cough up just to keep the Queen happy?
In June, Mr Salmond attacked those unaccountable commissioners. He questioned their right to control Scotland’s energy future for 12 miles in all directions. The First Minister said: “The time is right for the archaic legislation governing the Crown Estate to be brought into line with the realities of devolution in a modern Scotland, accountable to the Scottish Parliament and its people and delivering direct benefits to our communities”.
 
    
     Bell thinks that logically the time is maybe also right for a ‘reconsideration of other archaic relationships’.   But the majority of the Scottish public, as Salmond knows, would not wish that ‘archaic relationship’ to end.
 
     There are potentially £millions at stake here. 
 
     Watch this space. 
 
 
 

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